Bill Shorten's disclosure at the trade union royal commission that a private company, Unibilt, paid for his campaign director before the 2007 federal election would have jogged a few memories in NSW politics.
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The situation - whereby Unibilt paid an annual wage of $50,000 to Shorten's campaign director, Lance Wilson, as a "researcher" during the campaign - is remarkably similar to revelations aired during a corruption inquiry last year.
The Independent Against Corruption's inquiry into political donation rorts by the NSW Liberal Party was told by former party fundraiser Paul Nicolaou that the private company Brickworks had funded a "researcher" in the office of then Opposition leader Barry O'Farrell for three years before the 2011 state election.
The researcher, Matthew Crocker, stayed on when O'Farrell won government in 2011. He is now policy director in the office of current NSW Premier Mike Baird.
At the ICAC inquiry, O'Farrell confirmed he had approached then NSW Liberal state director Mark Needham about funding a researcher, but denied knowing the funding came from Brickworks.
He also indignantly denied doing any favours for Brickworks, including when he announced in 2010 and again in 2011 – at a Brickworks site, no less – that, if elected, he would remove a tax hated by the property industry.
But as the question asked of O'Farrell at ICAC about favours shows, the problem is the perception of what is expected in return.
Shorten, too, told the Royal Commission into Trade Union Governance and Corruption that Unibilt had not asked for any favours in repayment of its generosity. Nor did he believe the firm's owner expected any.
Once again, the public is being asked to believe that companies and individuals make large donations to political parties or candidates and do not expect anything back. It is hard to swallow.
There is also the issue of transparency, as for the most part the details of these arrangements are not spelt out when parties disclose the financial benefit to election funding authorities.
In O'Farrell's case, it came to light thanks to the ICAC. In Shorten's case, it emerged at a very expensive royal commission.
The question mark about influence hanging over both arrangements is another reminder of not only the need for donations law reform nationally but also the glaring absence of a federal ICAC.
Prime Minister Tony Abbott is on the record opposing the move. But last year, NSW Labor gave in-principle support for a federal ICAC-like body and voted to refer it to this year's federal Labor conference.
Labor - and Shorten - should embrace the idea and begin pressing the government for action.
